The Man They Made a Hero

Christopher Scarver, the applause that followed 28 November 1994, and the victims the cheering required everyone to forget.

Christopher Scarver, the applause that followed 28 November 1994, and the victims the cheering required everyone to forget.


I. The Applause

This article does not begin with a metal bar in a prison gymnasium. It begins with what happened afterwards, in living rooms and newsrooms and radio call-in shows across America, when the news broke that Jeffrey Dahmer was dead.

There was satisfaction. There was open celebration. There were jokes within hours. Commentators reached, again and again, for the same formulation: that someone had finally done what the justice system would not. The man who swung the bar was transformed, almost instantly, into a folk hero — an instrument of cosmic correction. Thirty years later, the sentiment survives intact. Spend five minutes in the comments beneath any video about the killing and you will find it, thumbs-up counts in the thousands: he did the world a favour. Give that man a medal.

This article is not primarily about Christopher Scarver. It is about that applause — what it required people to forget, whom it required people to erase, and what it reveals about the moral logic of the audience. Because the hero narrative only functions if you never look too closely at it. Look closely, and it comes apart in your hands.

II. Steve Lohman

The first thing the hero narrative requires you to forget is a man named Steve Lohman.

In 1990, Lohman worked at a Wisconsin Conservation Corps job-training programme office in Milwaukee — an ordinary employee of a programme that existed to give young people trade skills and a path into work. On the morning of 1 June 1990, Christopher Scarver, a former trainee carpenter in that programme, returned to the office with a pistol. Scarver had been promised a full-time position by a supervisor named Edward Patts; when Patts was dismissed, the job evaporated, and Scarver’s grievance did not.

He held Lohman at gunpoint and demanded money. Handed only fifteen dollars, Scarver shot Lohman in the head, killing him — and then shot his body twice more. Site manager John Feyen, the other man in the office, wrote Scarver a cheque for three thousand dollars and fled for his life. Scarver was arrested within hours, still in possession of the gun, the cash, and the cheque.

Fifteen dollars. That is what Steve Lohman’s life was traded against — a man who, by every available account, had done nothing to Scarver at all. He was simply present, in an office, on a Friday morning, doing a job.

When the world made Christopher Scarver a hero four years later, it made a hero of the man who did this. And in doing so, it erased Steve Lohman a second time. His name appears in almost none of the celebratory retellings. There is no folk mythology about him, no comment sections demanding he be remembered. The avenging-angel story has no room for the inconvenient fact that the angel’s first killing was of an innocent man, over pocket money and a job that fell through.

Any honest account of 28 November 1994 has to begin here, because this is who was standing in that gymnasium. Not an instrument of justice. A man who had already demonstrated, in the most final way possible, what he was capable of doing to a person who had wronged no one.

III. The Man Himself

The second thing the hero narrative cannot survive is an honest look at Scarver’s mind — and here this memorial must hold itself to its own standard. We have argued, across many articles, that “monster” is a word people use when they want permission to stop thinking. That principle does not bend for convenience. It applies to Christopher Scarver too.

By his own account and by contemporaneous reporting, Scarver’s life had been coming apart well before June 1990. A high-school dropout, put out of his mother’s home over his drinking, he descended into heavy alcohol use after the promised job collapsed — and began hearing a voice that told him he was “the chosen one.” He was subsequently diagnosed with schizophrenia. He would later say that God had directed his actions; his sense of divine selection and special purpose persisted through his incarceration. After the 1994 killings he was evaluated at a federal medical centre for prisoners, and in 2001 a federal judge ordered him relocated, alongside roughly three dozen other seriously mentally ill inmates, out of Wisconsin’s supermax facility — a court effectively certifying what had been evident for a decade.

This was the man the public canonised: not a righteous everyman pushed to a breaking point, but a psychotic, profoundly unwell prisoner whose delusions had already cost one innocent man his life. The people cheering for him were not cheering for justice. They were cheering for the output of an untreated mental illness, because on this one occasion its violence happened to land on someone they hated.

There is a genuine tragedy in Scarver’s story, and it deserves to be named without strategy or irony: a young man’s psychosis went unaddressed at every stage where intervention might have changed the outcome, and three people died. That is not heroism. It is systemic failure wearing the costume of fate.

IV. 28 November

The facts of that morning are brief, and their brevity is part of the indictment.

At Columbia Correctional Institution in Portage, Wisconsin, three inmates were assigned to a cleaning detail in the prison gymnasium area: Christopher Scarver, Jeffrey Dahmer, and Jesse Anderson. The guards left. For roughly twenty minutes, the three men — one of them the most publicly hated prisoner in America, one of them a diagnosed schizophrenic serving life for homicide — were unsupervised. In that window, Scarver took a metal bar from the exercise equipment and beat both men about the head. Jeffrey died that morning, 28 November 1994. Anderson died of his injuries two days later, on 30 November.

Scarver himself has claimed the arrangement was no accident — that officials knew his feelings and wanted the outcome they got. That specific claim is his alone and unproven. But it points at a question that does not require his testimony to stand: how does an institution whose singular job is custody leave that particular combination of men alone with gym equipment? Whatever the answer — negligence, indifference, or something worse — the institution’s failure is a load-bearing part of this story, and the hero narrative papers over it completely. If Scarver is an avenging angel, no one has to ask why the state’s most scrutinised prisoner was unprotected in the state’s care.

And then there is Jesse Anderson — the second man killed that morning, and the great inconvenient absence in every celebratory retelling. Anderson was serving life for stabbing his wife Barbara to death in 1992 and then wounding himself and telling police that two Black men had attacked them — a lie that sent Milwaukee’s police searching for phantom Black assailants in a city still raw from the Dahmer case’s own racial wounds. Anderson was, by any measure, a despicable man. He is also entirely missing from the hero story, because his death cannot be dressed up as righteous vengeance on behalf of anyone’s victims. He simply doesn’t fit the script — so the script forgets him. A “hero” narrative that has to quietly delete one third of the morning’s dead in order to function was never a description of events. It was always a story people wanted.

V. The Myth-Making

In 2015, Scarver gave an extended interview to the New York Post — his fullest public account, and a masterclass in how mythology gets built after the fact.

In it, Scarver said that Dahmer had taunted other inmates by shaping prison food into the forms of severed limbs and dressing them with ketchup as blood. He described confronting Dahmer with a newspaper clipping about his crimes in the moments before the attack, demanding to know whether the reports were true. He presented the killings as a considered act with a moral architecture around it.

The ketchup story has since been repeated in thousands of articles, videos, and documentaries as established fact. It is nothing of the sort. It is a single uncorroborated claim, made two decades after the event, by the one person with the strongest possible interest in making the killing look deserved. No guard, no chaplain, no fellow inmate has verified it, and it sits uneasily beside the accounts of those who actually spent time with Jeffrey in his final years — Reverend Roy Ratcliff among them, who baptised him and visited him weekly, and who described a subdued, remorseful man preoccupied with the question of his own guilt, not a taunting provocateur.

Why did an unverifiable claim become canon overnight? Because the audience needed it. The celebration of 1994 had always carried a small, unexamined discomfort — a defenceless man beaten to death in state custody is an ugly thing to cheer — and the ketchup story dissolved that discomfort on contact. See, he was taunting them. He brought it on himself. The myth is not evidence about Jeffrey Dahmer. It is evidence about what the cheering public required in order to keep cheering.

VI. What the Cheering Means

Strip away the mythology and this is what remains: a mentally ill man who had murdered an innocent stranger over fifteen dollars beat two prisoners to death with a metal bar while the institution charged with keeping all three of them alive looked elsewhere. For this, he was celebrated across the nation — and is celebrated still.

Sit with the logic of that celebration for a moment, because it is the entire subject of this article. The public’s case against Jeffrey Dahmer was that killing human beings is an absolute wrong — so absolute that his own documented mental illness, his confession, his cooperation, and his expressed remorse could not mitigate it one degree. We do not dispute that his acts were terrible; this memorial has never disputed it. But the same public then applauded a killing — unlawful, unsanctioned, carried out on a defenceless man — and called it justice. The principle held for exactly as long as it took to find a victim nobody would mourn.

That is not a principle. It is bloodlust with a permission slip.

The cheering asked nothing of anyone. It did not ask who Christopher Scarver was, or who Steve Lohman was, or why Jesse Anderson vanished from the story, or how a state prison came to function as an execution chamber by inattention. It asked only that everyone agree the victim deserved it — and on that agreement, a triple murderer became a folk hero, an innocent man’s death became a footnote, and an institutional failure became fate.

Christopher Scarver was not a monster. This site does not deal in that word, and his story — the untreated psychosis, the system that failed him at every turn before failing everyone through him — deserves the same unsentimental honesty we extend to Jeffrey’s. But he was no hero either. The heroism was manufactured afterwards, by an audience that wanted its hatred sanctified, and the manufacturing had costs: Steve Lohman erased, Jesse Anderson deleted, the state absolved, and the comfortable fiction installed that what happened in that gymnasium was justice rather than the last, entirely preventable failure in a story that had been full of them.

The monstrous thing was never any one man in that room. It was the applause outside it.


Sources and notes

  • Contemporary reporting on the murder of Steve Lohman (1 June 1990) and Scarver’s conviction and life sentence (1992).
  • Reporting on the events of 28 November 1994 at Columbia Correctional Institution, including the unsupervised work detail and the deaths of Jeffrey Dahmer (28 November) and Jesse Anderson (30 November).
  • Christopher Scarver interview, New York Post, April 2015 — treated throughout as an uncorroborated primary account, not established fact.
  • Roy Ratcliff, Dark Journey, Deep Grace, for the counter-portrait of Dahmer’s demeanour in his final years.
  • Court records and reporting on Jesse Anderson’s 1992 conviction for the murder of Barbara Anderson.
  • 2001 federal court order relocating seriously mentally ill inmates, including Scarver, from the Wisconsin Secure Program Facility.

Two Years at Baumholder: Jeffrey Dahmer in Germany, 1979–1981

There are two records of Jeffrey Dahmer’s time in the Army, and they do not describe the same man.

The first was assembled by Brian Masters in the early nineties, from Dahmer’s own account and from the soldiers who served alongside him. It describes a young man so withdrawn that almost nothing about him registered — quiet, moody, permanently half-drunk, remembered by his colleagues mainly as someone who was there.

The second emerged much later, from two men who came forward long after his arrest. It describes a predator who was already operating.

Both records concern the same twenty-one months at the same small base in the Rhineland-Palatinate. Reconciling them is the work of this article, and it cannot be done cleanly.

The base

He enlisted in January 1979, six months after killing Steven Hicks, at his father’s urging and as an alternative to the semester he had already drunk his way out of at Ohio State. He trained as a medical specialist at Fort Sam Houston in Texas. In mid-1979 he was assigned to the 2nd Battalion, 68th Armored Regiment, 8th Infantry Division, at Baumholder in West Germany, and joined the squad at the Battalion Aid Station as a combat medic.

He would be there until March 1981. His service reports describe him as an average to slightly above average soldier.

What almost nobody noticed

Masters makes an observation about this period that is worth quoting in substance, because it frames everything else. For a man who spent nearly two years in one place, remarkably little is known about his life there or the impression he made — and Masters reads that absence as evidence in itself. Dahmer ate with people, went to restaurants with them, made small talk. He made no effort to know anyone or to be known, and so his privacy went unexamined.

What his colleagues did notice was that he was sexually innocent, and it became something of a project. Taken aback that he had no girlfriend and had never kissed a girl, a group of them brought him to a brothel at Vogelweh. Two soldiers his own age walked him inside and introduced him to one of the women. When they regrouped, he had slipped out without doing anything. They put it down to shyness until he told them he had never wanted to go and did not need a girl.

One of the older men formed a private theory that he was homosexual — not because of the brothel, and not because of anything obviously effeminate, but because he always seemed to be hiding something. Masters calls this astute, and it is difficult to disagree.

By his own account he had no sexual contact of any kind in Germany. He found the gay bookshops in Frankfurt and bought pornography. He understood by then that what he wanted was, in the terms available to him, inadmissible — and he concluded that further isolation was the only safe course. That is not a small thing to note. He knew what he was capable of, and his solution was to be alone.

His pleasures were solitary. He walked in the countryside. He described, years later and with real animation, watching a family of wild boars come down a snowy hillside at a distance and mistaking them at first for boulders. He liked target shooting and thought about taking it up properly after the Army. And soldiers could buy liquor at half price, of which he took full advantage — the drinking that would eventually end his service.

On at least one occasion the drink brought Steven Hicks back, and he broke down sobbing. Masters is careful about what that means, and so should we be: by then the remorse had given way to self-pity, grief less for what he had done to Hicks than for the burden it had placed on himself.

One further contemporaneous account is worth setting alongside the rest. David Rodriguez, then eighteen, shared a room with Dahmer and six other men for close to a year in 1979, and the two trained together in the same Army medical unit. When reporters reached him in July 1991 he described someone who drank gin constantly and struck him as a weakling — a man he found incapable of what was then being reported from Milwaukee. He also remarked, and this is the detail that lingers, that Dahmer had never shown any particular interest in their anatomy classes.

It cuts against a tidy reading. In the one setting where the human body was formally on the timetable, the man who would later be defined by what he did to bodies was, by his roommate’s account, bored.

Thanksgiving, 1979

One night from this period is documented in detail, and it is the strangest thing in the record.

For Thanksgiving 1979, Carlos Cruz — who served in the same squad at the Aid Station — invited some of the younger soldiers to dinner at his home. Dahmer was among them, as was a soldier named Preston Davis. Heavy snow began to fall, and Cruz suggested everyone stay the night.

Dahmer and Davis fell into an argument. Davis told him to get back to Baumholder. At half past ten, Dahmer walked out of the door into the snow.

Baumholder was around eight miles away, around a mountain, in sub-zero temperatures. Cruz went out to look for him for fifteen minutes, came back for heavier clothing, searched another half hour, then gave up and assumed he had found a taxi.

Four hours later Dahmer was at the door. Davis called out that the orphan was back and they brought him inside. He was confused and vague, his mind elsewhere. He had lost his glasses. His jacket was not as cold as it should have been after four hours outdoors, and neither was he. Cruz took him to the kitchen, where he washed his hands energetically, and thought he saw what looked like blood on his clothing. Dahmer sat and stared at the table. He said he could not remember where he had been or what he had done, but assumed it must have been something bad.

A few days later Cruz asked him what was wrong. He could not or would not say. But he offered one remark, and it has hung over the whole episode ever since:

Sometimes the best thing for the soul is to confess.

Masters treats the night with appropriate restraint. The blood was something Cruz thought he noticed, not something established. The likeliest explanation, he suggests, is that Dahmer found somewhere to sit out of the wind and stayed there with his thoughts.

This matters because the episode has hardened, in retelling, into something the source does not support. The version that circulates online — and which appears in later true-crime writing, including Willis Morgan’s Frustrated Witness — has him returning covered in blood. Masters has a host who thought he noticed something on a jacket in a kitchen at two in the morning. Those are not the same claim, and the distance between them is roughly the distance between an observation and a story.

But nor is it nothing. A man walked into a blizzard, lost four hours he could not account for, and came back saying he assumed he had done something bad.

What came out later

Neither Preston Davis nor Billy Joe Capshaw appears in the 1993 account as anything other than a fellow soldier. Both came forward afterwards, and what they described changes the shape of the period entirely.

Davis, a twenty-year-old Black medic, was tasked with training Dahmer when he arrived. He has said Dahmer was openly racist and became obnoxious when drinking, and that he would boast, drunk, about having killed someone in Ohio — a claim nobody had reason to take seriously at the time, and which was true.

In a written account published by the veterans’ advocacy organisation Protect Our Defenders, Davis describes a field exercise in the autumn of 1979 during which their vehicle broke down and the two men were left isolated together for three or four days. He states that during that period he was sexually assaulted, that the assault included penetration, and that he believes he was drugged, because he lost time and has gaps in his memory. He has said he thinks the only reason Dahmer did not kill him was that Dahmer had no way of getting back to base alone.

Davis left the unit shortly afterwards. His record, previously strong, deteriorated. He has described the decades that followed — drinking, drug use, a marriage that ended, contact lost with his sons, and surgery for the injuries.

Capshaw arrived after Davis left. He was seventeen, and became Dahmer’s roommate. He has said the abuse ran for something close to seventeen months: that he was tied to the bunk with rope from the motor pool, that his clothing was taken from him, that he was beaten before or after being raped, and that he cannot say with certainty how many times it happened. He reported it. He underwent a rape examination. He has said he learned roughly a decade later that the kit had been discarded.

After his own discharge he returned to Arkansas and, by his account, did not leave his room for five years. He did not speak about any of it until after his father died.

How to hold this

These accounts were never tested in a courtroom. Dahmer was never charged with either assault, and he has been dead for over thirty years, so they never will be. That is a real limitation and it should be stated rather than glossed over.

What can be said is this. Both men are named, both have spoken publicly and at length, and their accounts are independent of one another and separated in time. Neither had anything obvious to gain. And the method Davis describes — drugging, memory loss, hours he cannot account for — is precisely the method Dahmer used, provably and repeatedly, a decade later in Milwaukee.

Nor do the accounts of the men who noticed nothing count against them. Rodriguez shared a room with Dahmer for a year and saw a harmless drunk; Capshaw shared a room with him and describes being tied to a bunk. Both can be true, and the fact that they are is the most disturbing thing about the whole period. Whatever he was doing, he was doing it in a barracks full of people, and it was visible to precisely those he chose and to nobody else.

There is also the matter of the honourable discharge. He was released in March 1981, six months before his expected date, on grounds of alcohol abuse. Nothing in his file records a sexual assault. Capshaw’s report went nowhere and his examination kit was destroyed. Whatever else that tells us, it tells us the Army’s paperwork is not a record of what happened at Baumholder — it is a record of what the Army processed.

The site has argued this before in a different context. When the institutions around a man decline to look, the resulting silence in the file gets mistaken for evidence of nothing happening.

The German investigations

One further thread needs handling carefully, because it is routinely misrepresented.

Four days after his arrest, on 26 July 1991, police across Germany reopened files on unsolved murders and disappearances from his time in the country. Five unsolved murders at Baumholder were re-examined. Federal authorities also reviewed all cases of unidentified male victims and missing men from that window. One case that drew attention was that of Erika Hansthuh, twenty-two, found stabbed and strangled in the snow some fifty miles from Baumholder on 30 November 1980, days after hitchhiking from Heidelberg.

Nothing came of any of it.

A federal police spokeswoman said at the time that no links to Dahmer had been made. Four of the five murder victims were women, which does not match his pattern in any respect. He was never charged with an offence in Germany. He denied, through his attorney, any killings beyond those he had admitted, and on this point there has never been evidence to contradict him.

It is worth saying plainly, because the internet has spent thirty years implying otherwise: there is no evidence Jeffrey Dahmer killed anyone in Germany. The investigations were a reasonable thing for German police to do and they found nothing. Treating an opened and closed file as a shadow of guilt is exactly the kind of reasoning this site exists to refuse.

What Baumholder was

The temptation is to pick one of the two records. Either the isolated depressive drinking himself out of a career, or the predator hiding in plain sight.

The evidence supports both, and the discomfort of holding them together is the honest position.

He was withdrawn to the point of invisibility, and he assaulted at least two men. He was so unremarkable that a biographer could find almost nothing about twenty-one months of his life, and one of the men living in that blank space was being tied to a bunk. A roommate remembered a wimp who drank gin and could not have done any of it. He told a colleague that confession is good for the soul, and confessed nothing for another twelve years.

What Germany demonstrates is that the interval between Steven Hicks in 1978 and Steven Tuomi in 1987 was not the pause it is usually described as. Something was operating throughout. It simply did not produce a body, and so it produced no record — until two men decided, decades on, to supply one.


Sources: Brian Masters, The Shrine of Jeffrey Dahmer (1993); Associated Press, 26 July 1991; United Press International, 28 July 1991; Deseret News, 28 July 1991 (David Rodriguez interviews); Preston Davis’s published account for Protect Our Defenders; Billy Joe Capshaw’s public interviews and statements; U.S. Army service records as reported. Allegations of assault are the accounts of the men who made them and were never adjudicated.

Six Months in the Sun: Jeffrey Dahmer in Miami Beach, 1981

There is a stretch of 1981 that nobody watched.

Between his discharge from the Army in March and his arrival at his grandmother’s house that December, Jeffrey Dahmer spent roughly six months in Miami Beach, Florida. It is the least documented period of his adult life. There were no arrests. No employment records have surfaced. No psychiatric contact, no probation officer, no family in the same state. For half a year, the only account of where he was and what he was doing comes from Jeffrey himself, told afterwards, and from a father hearing it down a telephone line from a thousand miles away.

That is precisely why it is worth writing about.

Leaving

On 24 March 1981 he was sent to Fort Jackson, South Carolina, for debriefing, and given a travel voucher good for anywhere in the United States. He chose Florida. The reasoning, as he later described it, was straightforward and almost hopeful: he did not want to go back to the cold, and he thought the sun and the ocean might do something for him.

Before he flew, he did something worth noting. He packed his trunk — fatigues, jacket, trousers, everything he owned in the Army, along with his government correspondence — and sent it home to 4480 West Bath Road. Into that trunk he also put the German pornographic magazines he had bought in Europe, rather than carry them to Florida. Masters reads this as an attempt to start clean, and it is hard to read it any other way. He was posting his past to Ohio and getting on a plane without it.

There is a detail in that shipment which matters. His father did not know he had left the Army. The trunk arrived unannounced, with no note and nothing to say where Jeffrey had gone. The discharge papers followed a few days later. It was another month before the telephone rang.

He had, in the most literal sense, disappeared from the view of everyone who knew him.

Sunshine Subs

What he found in Miami Beach was a motel room and a job at a sandwich shop called the Sunshine Sub Shop, half a mile down the road. He worked seven days a week. By his own later account, he spent essentially all of what he earned on drink.

Two things about this period are striking, and both cut against the story people expect.

The first is that he made no attempt to find the gay bars or bathhouses of a city that had plenty of both. Miami Beach in 1981 was not a difficult place to find that scene. He did not look. Whatever he had gone south to escape, he was not chasing it there.

The second is Julie.

She was an English girl working at the sub shop, in the country on a visitor’s visa and working illegally. She and Jeffrey became friends — the only female friend, Masters records, that he would have until after his arrest a decade later. She wanted to legitimise her status and eventually asked him to marry her so she could stay. He liked her. He discouraged her, and declined.

It is a small, ordinary episode, and there is almost nothing else like it anywhere in his life. Two people working the same counter, one asking the other for a serious favour, the other saying no but staying friendly. She telephoned him in Ohio a few times afterwards, just to see how he was getting on. That is the entire recorded content of the friendship, and it is more than he managed with anyone else for ten years.

The beach

When the money ran out and he could no longer pay for the motel, he took what he owned and slept on the beach. He went there from work at the end of a shift and slept under the sky.

The image has a certain romance to it, which is worth resisting. He was twenty-one, working seven days a week at a sandwich counter, drinking the proceeds, and homeless. The sun and the ocean he had flown south for had not done what he hoped. Masters records the conclusion he reached there, and it is the reason this period matters: the thoughts he had gone to Florida to escape had come with him. They had not been left in the trunk.

What he took from that, in Masters’ account, was not that he needed help. It was that the thoughts needed to be starved — that there must be nothing left to think about.

That is the sentence to sit with. He had run three thousand miles, changed his climate, taken a job, made a friend, slept on sand under stars, and the conclusion he drew from its failure was not I should tell someone. It was that escape does not work and something else would have to.

Where the sources disagree

The record of this period is thin enough that its two main sources contradict each other, and the honest thing is to say so rather than to pick the more convenient version.

Masters, working from Jeffrey’s own account, has him running out of money, leaving the motel, and camping on the beach until he called his father for the fare home.

Lionel’s memoir tells it differently. In one of those phone calls, he writes, Jeffrey said he was living with a woman — an illegal alien who had offered him money to marry her. Lionel and Shari advised him against it.

The two versions can be partly reconciled: Julie is plainly the woman in both accounts, though the direction of the offer differs, and it is possible Jeffrey stayed with her for a period before or after the beach. But it is equally possible that he simply told his father something more respectable than the truth. A young man sleeping rough and calling home has reasons to improve the story.

The endings differ too. Masters has Lionel sending the fare. Lionel records that Shari refused to send money at all, and instead left a plane ticket waiting at the airport — she would bring him home, but she would not fund him where he was.

We cannot resolve these, and we are not going to pretend to. What both accounts agree on is the shape: he ran out of everything, and he called Ohio.

Coming back

Lionel went to Cleveland airport expecting a downtrodden son. From a distance, Jeffrey was smiling and looked cheerful. Up close, his father realised he was drunk — that the cheerfulness was the drink. He was filthy, his clothes stained and unwashed, a scraggly untended moustache, a cigarette hanging from his mouth. He apologised for having had a few too many on the plane.

Within days he had brightened. He chopped wood, helped take down a tree, gathered branches, made himself as useful as he possibly could. Lionel’s reading was that the Army had at least left him a work ethic.

Then, with winter coming, they decided to insulate the water pipes. Jeffrey helped in the attic. But when it came to the crawl space beneath the house, he was emphatic that his father should not go down there. He would do it himself.

Lionel watched him work on his back, wrapping the copper lines and tying the insulation with braided twine. He came out dusty and enthusiastic, ready for the next job.

The crawl space was where the remains of Steven Hicks had been stored three years earlier.

And within that same period at Bath — while his father and Shari were at work — he went out to the drainage pipe, retrieved the bags of bones he had hidden there, carried them to the woods beyond the property, and smashed them with a rock until they were splinters. The skull he pulverised. He scattered the fragments across the trees by hand.

I had to, he said of it later.

What the silence contains

Two weeks after coming home he was arrested at the Ramada Inn for drinking vodka straight from the bottle in the lounge, refusing to leave, and swearing at the officers who came. Disorderly conduct and resisting arrest. It went no further than a municipal citation, but it settled the question of whether he could stay in Bath. In December, Lionel and Shari sent him to Catherine’s house in West Allis.

Which brings this period into focus. Miami Beach sits between two structures — the Army, which had held him for two years and then expelled him, and his grandmother’s house, which would hold him for six. In between there is a gap where nothing held him at all.

It is tempting to treat that gap as empty because so little is recorded in it. But something happened in those six months, and the evidence for it is what he did immediately afterwards. He came back to Ohio and destroyed the last physical trace of Steven Hicks, thoroughly, with his hands. That is not the act of a man who had put it behind him. It is the act of a man who had spent half a year discovering that he could not.

The beach is not the interesting part. What is interesting is that he went there to become someone else, and came back knowing it could not be done.


Sources: Brian Masters, The Shrine of Jeffrey Dahmer (1993); Lionel Dahmer, A Father’s Story (1994). Where the two accounts conflict, both are given.

The City That Wasn’t Looking: Milwaukee, 1978–1991

Every account of Jeffrey Dahmer eventually arrives at the same question, and almost always phrases it the same way: how did he get away with it for so long?

The question contains an assumption worth examining. It assumes the answer lies in him — in his cunning, his ordinariness, his ability to pass. It assumes that the obstacle he had to overcome was a city looking for him.

Milwaukee was not looking for him. To understand the thirteen years between Steven Hicks and Tracy Edwards, you have to understand the place, and the place was not a neutral backdrop against which one man operated. It was a city with a specific economy, a specific geography of race, a specific police department, and a specific set of assumptions about whose disappearance constituted an emergency. He did not slip through the gaps. He moved through a structure that was already built.

The brutal decade

The Milwaukee of the 1980s was a city coming apart economically, and the numbers are stark. Between 1979 and 1983, some fifty thousand manufacturing jobs left the city. Across the decade as a whole, the metropolitan area lost roughly a fifth of its industrial employment — a rate about three times the national average. Schlitz shut its Milwaukee brewery in 1981. Allis-Chalmers, once the largest industrial employer in Wisconsin, went bankrupt in 1987.

This was the city that had called itself the machine shop of the world. By 1986, service work had overtaken manufacturing for the first time. The economist Marc Levine’s summary of the period is blunt: the 1980s were the brutal decade in Milwaukee.

Two consequences matter for this history.

The first is personal. This is the labour market in which Jeffrey Dahmer worked the third shift at the Ambrosia Chocolate Factory — eleven at night to seven in the morning, six nights a week. The nocturnal, marginal, replaceable work he did was not incidental to how he lived. It set his hours, and his hours were the city’s empty ones.

The second is structural, and far more important. Deindustrialisation did not fall evenly. Nearly half of Black male workers in Milwaukee held manufacturing jobs, and the plants that closed were concentrated on the north side, where Black Milwaukee lived. The collapse landed hardest on precisely the neighbourhoods that already had the least, and it produced a population of young men with irregular work, unstable housing and every reason to accept fifty or a hundred dollars from a stranger who wanted to take photographs.

Dahmer’s offer was not exotic. It was an offer that made sense in that economy.

The most segregated city in America

Milwaukee has been ranked, decade after decade, among the most racially segregated metropolitan areas in the United States. It still is. The pattern was built deliberately over the twentieth century through redlining, restrictive covenants that barred Black residents from most of the city, and suburban zoning that priced them out of everywhere else. Black Milwaukee was confined to the near north side, and stayed there.

This is not background colour. It is the operative fact of the case.

Segregation determined who lived in the neighbourhood around the Oxford Apartments. It determined that a white man in that building was unusual. It determined which parts of the city the police patrolled as territory to be contained rather than served. And it determined, decisively, whose reports were believed.

Milwaukee’s police department had been shaped for twenty years by Chief Harold Breier, who ran it from 1964 to 1984 and whose relationship with the city’s Black population was one of open hostility. He was gone by the time Dahmer moved to 25th Street, but a department does not change its habits in five years. When the Dahmer case broke, Black and gay leaders in the city argued that the force still operated on Breier’s assumptions. The evidence suggests they were right.

Walker’s Point

The other Milwaukee that matters here is a few blocks of Walker’s Point, south of downtown, where the city’s gay bars were concentrated.

Club 219, at 219 South 2nd Street, opened in early 1981 out of a short-lived predecessor called Trash. It became one of the central spaces in Milwaukee’s gay life — bright, loud, a dance bar with drag shows, eclipsed in scale by La Cage Aux Folles after 1984 but never displaced in affection. It stayed open until 2005. The building is still there, under another name.

Dahmer met Steven Tuomi there in September 1987. He met Raymond Smith and Richard Guerrero there. In May 1991 he met Tony Hughes there, and because Hughes was deaf, he wrote his offer down on a piece of paper. He met Jamie Doxtator at a bus stop outside it.

It matters how this is told. Club 219 was not a hunting ground that happened to have people in it. It was a community’s living room, in a city that gave that community very few places to exist, and it was full of people who knew each other. Eric Wynn, one of the few Black drag performers regularly working the club in the eighties, has described building a small following of young Black men who came to his shows because they saw someone like themselves on stage. Tony Hughes was one of them; he taught Wynn to fingerspell the alphabet.

Then some of them stopped coming.

Nineteen funerals

Set against this is the fact that makes the whole period legible: these were the worst years of the AIDS epidemic.

By 1987, when Dahmer began killing regularly in Milwaukee, more than half a million people in the United States were living with HIV. A bartender at Club 219 during those years, Scott Gunkle — who served Dahmer and found him entirely unremarkable — has described a year in which he attended nineteen funerals, someone dying every fortnight.

Consider what that does to the meaning of an absence.

In a community losing men constantly, a familiar face vanishing from the bar was not a mystery. It was the ordinary shape of the era. He got sick. He went home to family. He was too ill to come out. He died and nobody was told. There was no gap where an alarm should have sounded, because the alarm had been sounding continuously for years and everyone had learned to live inside it.

This is the single most under-examined element of the case. AIDS did not merely coincide with Dahmer’s most active period. It supplied the cover.

Who gets looked for

The families reported them. This needs saying plainly, because the standard account leaves the impression that these men vanished unnoticed.

Richard Guerrero’s father reported him missing two days after he disappeared in March 1988, and paid for notices with his son’s photograph in the local press. Jamie Doxtator’s mother reported him the day after he failed to come home. Reports were filed, again and again, by families who knew immediately that something was wrong.

Nothing came of them.

There is no single decision to point to — no officer who looked at a file and dismissed it. That is what makes it a structural failure rather than an individual one. A missing persons report on a young Black or Latino or Native man from the north side, in a city that had spent decades treating those neighbourhoods as a containment problem, simply did not generate urgency. It went into a system that had already decided what it was worth.

Seventeen men and boys died. The overwhelming majority were Black, Latino, Asian or Native American. That is not a coincidence of who happened to be in the bars. It is a description of whose disappearance a city was prepared to tolerate.

27 May 1991

Everything above converges on one night, and if the article has a centre, this is it.

Fourteen-year-old Konerak Sinthasomphone escaped from Apartment 213, drugged and bleeding, while Dahmer was out buying alcohol. He was found in the street by Sandra Smith and Nicole Childress, two young Black women, who called 911. Glenda Cleveland, Smith’s mother and Childress’s aunt, called as well.

Three officers responded: John Balcerzak, Joseph Gabrish and Richard Porubcan. Dahmer returned and told them the boy was his nineteen-year-old boyfriend, drunk after an argument. He gave a name that was not Konerak’s.

The officers believed the white man. They walked the boy back up to Apartment 213 — where the body of Tony Hughes was lying — and left. The entire investigation took sixteen minutes. A later review found they had violated departmental rules fifteen times, including failing to run any records check on Dahmer, which would have shown he was a convicted child sex offender then on probation.

Roughly ten minutes after they left, Glenda Cleveland telephoned again. She spoke to Balcerzak. She was told the matter was handled, and he declined to take the names of the two witnesses. She called again in the following days, after seeing the missing boy’s photograph in the paper. She called the FBI. Nobody acted.

Konerak was killed within the hour of the officers’ departure. Dahmer went on to kill four more men.

And there is a detail that turns the whole thing from failure into something closer to indictment. Konerak was the younger brother of Somsack Sinthasomphone — the boy Dahmer had assaulted in 1988, the offence for which he was on probation that very night. The same family, twice, by the same man. The record connecting them was one records check away.

The audio of the officers’ radio traffic later became public. They can be heard joking about reuniting the lovers, and about needing to be deloused after their time in the apartment.

What the city did afterwards

The response was immediate and furious. There were marches, vigils and sit-ins through August 1991. Jesse Jackson came to Milwaukee. The family of Oliver Lacy filed a federal suit against the city, arguing that the police had discriminated by failing to respond properly to complaints from minority citizens — and that Lacy and three other men would be alive had Dahmer been arrested on 27 May. The community activist Queen Hyler put the case bluntly: this is a very racist city.

Chief Philip Arreola — the first Milwaukee chief in modern times appointed from outside the department, brought in as a community-policing reformer — suspended the three officers.

His own force turned on him. In a survey of 1,339 officers, ninety-eight per cent said the suspensions were wrong and around ninety-three per cent declared no confidence in his leadership.

Balcerzak and Gabrish were eventually dismissed after a lengthy hearing process. They appealed, were reinstated with back pay, and returned to the department. Balcerzak later served as president of the Milwaukee Police Association.

That sequence is the whole story in miniature. The city was told exactly what had gone wrong, in public, with recordings. And the institution absorbed it and continued.

The empty lot

The Oxford Apartments were bought in 1992 by the Campus Circle Project, a redevelopment initiative connected to Marquette University, for $325,000. The forty-nine-unit building was demolished that November, fifteen months after the arrest, at the urging of victims’ families. The chocolate factory came down the following year; the Milwaukee Bucks’ arena stands on part of that ground now.

The lot at 924 North 25th Street is still empty. Grass and a chain-link fence.

There were proposals over the years — a playground, a park, a missing persons centre, a memorial to the seventeen. None was built. The objection, then and now, is that a memorial would draw the wrong kind of visitor. The current alderman for the area has called the idea a terrible one. Some of the victims’ relatives agree; others have wanted a memorial for thirty years.

(Photo by Steve Kagan/Getty Images)

So the site of the most notorious crimes in the city’s history is a fenced rectangle of nothing, and the seventeen men and boys have no marker anywhere in Milwaukee.

The point of asking about the city

None of this diminishes what Jeffrey Dahmer did or shifts the responsibility for it. He chose every one of those men. He is answerable for all of it.

But “how did he get away with it” has an answer, and the answer is not that he was brilliant. He was arrested twice for sexual offences during the killing years and served neither a serious sentence nor a serious assessment. He was on probation while killing. He was caught, in effect, by three officers who then handed his victim back to him. He was not hard to see. He was simply not looked at.

What let him continue was a city where a certain kind of man could vanish without consequence — because the plants had closed on his side of town, because the police had spent decades treating his neighbourhood as hostile territory, because his community was burying men every fortnight anyway, and because when his mother or father filed a report, the report went nowhere.

Dahmer did not create those conditions. He found them, and used them for thirteen years.

That is the part that should be uncomfortable, and it is the reason this article exists. A man like him is rare. A city like that was not.


Sources: Encyclopedia of Milwaukee (UW-Milwaukee); Marc Levine, UWM Center for Economic Development; Brown University Diversity and Disparities Project; Wisconsin LGBT History Project; WUWM Milwaukee Public Radio; Associated Press and UPI contemporaneous reporting, 1991–92; Christian Science Monitor, August 1991; Milwaukee Journal Sentinel; Milwaukee Fire and Police Commission findings.

The Temple: Infinity Land Rebuilt

We have written before about Infinity Land, the game Jeffrey Dahmer invented at nine years old — fleshless stick figures moving across a drawn landscape, annihilated if they came too close to one another, surrounded by spirals descending toward a black hole at the centre. That article argued the game never really ended; that it scaled up.

This is about what it scaled into.

What he was building

In the summer of 1988, Jeffrey bought a long black table and two statues of griffins. He was twenty-eight and still living in his grandmother’s house in West Allis. The purchase was not decorative. He had been turning an idea over since the previous year, and these were its first physical components: the table would be the altar, and the griffins — eagle-headed, lion-bodied, traditionally guardians of treasure — would protect it.

The design, as he described it after his arrest, called for skulls arranged along the table and two complete skeletons standing at either end. Incense. Blue lighting. He would sit in front of it.

He never finished it. When the apartment was searched in July 1991 police recovered the table, the griffins, eleven assorted heads and skulls, and the two skeletons — one from Ernest Miller, one from Oliver Lacy, whom he had defleshed specifically for the purpose. He had also looked into buying a freeze-drying machine, wanting to preserve bodies whole rather than reduce them to bone, and abandoned the idea when he found one large enough would cost around thirty thousand dollars.

The griffins were damaged before the end. One of the men he attacked fought back hard enough to knock the table and send them over. He kept the broken statues anyway.

Why it is the same object

Set the temple beside the game and the correspondence is close enough to be uncomfortable.

Infinity Land was populated by figures stripped of flesh — not people with contours, but bone. The temple was to be built from skulls and skeletons: the same reduction, carried out on real bodies.

In the game, the figures were arranged across a landscape and destroyed if they came too close. In the temple, the skulls were to be placed along a table at fixed intervals, permanently positioned, permanently apart. The proximity rule survives intact — it simply becomes a seating plan.

The game had a black hole at its centre, and Jeffrey described that nothingness to a prison therapist as soothing rather than frightening. The temple had a black table at its centre, and he described what he wanted from it in almost the same register. He called it a place where he could feel at home.

And in both, the essential feature is authorship. The nine-year-old drew the borders and decided the physics of his world. The adult was constructing a room in which he set the arrangement, the lighting, the rules, and the population — a space where nothing could arrive unannounced, change its mind, or leave.

The child made a world he controlled because he could not control the one he lived in. The adult was still making one. He was simply using different materials.

What the court could not decide

The temple became one of the strangest disputes of the 1992 trial, and the disagreement was not really about the facts.

For the defence, Dr Carl Wahlstrom pointed to it as evidence of a mind operating outside reality, citing Jeffrey’s intention to build a power-bestowing shrine alongside his attempts to create compliant companions as reaching psychotic proportions.

For the prosecution, Dr Park Dietz argued that it demonstrated nothing of the kind. Jeffrey did not truly believe the shrine would give him power, only that it might put him in contact with some spiritual force — which made it superstition rather than delusion, and superstition is not madness.

Dr George Palermo went further and simply declined to believe the temple existed as a plan at all, saying Jeffrey had mentioned it to him in passing and that he had reason to doubt it.

Brian Masters draws the distinction more usefully than any of them. A false idea is one that is factually wrong. A delusional idea is one that wrongly assigns power. The shrine was not a false idea — the table was real, the griffins were real, the skulls and the skeletons were real, and they were all found in the apartment. What was delusional was the expectation that sitting before them would confer anything at all.

He also places it in a longer tradition, and the comparison is bracing rather than flippant: churches across Europe have been built around body parts. Reliquaries hold bones. The faithful pin representations of damaged limbs to shrines in the belief that proximity to holy remains transmits power. The impulse to arrange the dead and draw strength from the arrangement is not, historically, a rare one.

What separates Jeffrey’s version is not the logic. It is that he supplied the relics himself.

Why a table

There is a further reading of the temple that belongs to Brian Masters, and it should be introduced as what it is: an interpretation, not a documented fact. We think it is worth stating anyway, because it asks a question nobody else thought to ask.

Why a table?

An altar, if you were designing one, would not obviously be a table. It might be lower. It might be smaller, or ornate, or raised. Jeffrey chose a long, flat, waist-height surface — and the reason that matters is what he actually used it for before any skull was ever placed on it. He draped the bodies of the men he killed across it. He arranged them on it and photographed their chests, abdomens and genitals. He made the first incision on it, before the dismemberment moved to the bathroom.

It was, functionally, an operating table.

On 19 March 1964, at the age of four, Jeffrey underwent a double hernia operation. We have written elsewhere about the psychology of early surgical trauma — that children under six suffer disproportionately because they cannot understand what is being done to them, that they become objects in the hands of strangers, that their emerging sense of autonomy is abruptly cancelled and nobody explains why. Afterwards, in pain that would have felt exactly like it, he asked his mother whether his penis had been removed. He told Dr Judith Becker about that question nearly thirty years later.

Masters’ argument is that control was taken from Jeffrey on an operating table at four and that he spent his adult life trying to take it back — that with his victims he was finally the surgeon rather than the passive child, handling their insides as his had been handled, cutting where he had been cut. On that reading, the black table is not an incidental piece of furniture. It is the operating table, rebuilt and owned, with him standing on the other side of it.

We flag the obvious limit: this is an interpretive claim, and Masters himself concedes it cannot be generalised — a great many children have hernia repairs and become nothing in particular. It explains rather more than a coincidence should, which is a reason to take it seriously and also a reason to be careful with it.

What is documented is narrower and stranger. At the 1992 trial, Dr Becker raised two things that had never been publicly examined: the hernia operation, and a childhood game called Infinity Land. Gerald Boyle prompted her gently on both. Neither was pursued.

Two keys, offered in open court, and nobody turned either one.

The thing worth saying plainly

There is a reading of the temple that treats it as the final proof of monstrousness — the horror-film altar, the serial killer’s trophy room. That reading is available and it is not entirely wrong.

But it misses what the Infinity Land parallel makes visible. The temple was not conceived as a display of what he had done. It was conceived as a place to sit. He described wanting to be in front of it, in the light and the incense, in the company of the dead — the only people, as he saw it, who had known him as he actually was.

A child who cannot find safety in the world builds a small one he can govern. That is ordinary. Nearly every frightened child does some version of it, and the ones who do are not marked for anything.

What is not ordinary is continuing to build it at thirty-one, out of people.

The continuity is the disturbing part, and it is also the part that resists any comfortable conclusion. The same need runs from the drawn spirals to the black table. The need itself was never the problem. What he was willing to do to satisfy it was.


Sources: Brian Masters, The Shrine of Jeffrey Dahmer (1993); Lionel Dahmer, A Father’s Story (1994); trial testimony, Milwaukee County Circuit Court, 1992; Milwaukee Police Department inventory of Apartment 213.

The House on South 57th Street: Jeffrey Dahmer’s Six Years in West Allis

There is a stretch of Jeffrey Dahmer’s life that almost nobody writes about. It runs from December 1981 to September 1988 — nearly seven years — and it takes place in a small, tidy house at 2357 South 57th Street in West Allis, Wisconsin, a suburb of Milwaukee. It was the house Lionel Dahmer had grown up in. It belonged to his mother, Catherine.

The reason it goes unexamined is easy enough to understand. Nothing about it fits the story people expect. There is no squalor here, no isolation, no absent family. There is a grandmother who cooked his meals and washed his clothes, a church on Sundays, a lawn to mow, a garden, a steady job. By any ordinary measure these were the most stable years of Jeffrey Dahmer’s adult life.

Three men were murdered in that house.

Both things are true, and the difficulty of holding them together is precisely why the period deserves attention. West Allis is where the comfortable explanations fail.

Catherine

Catherine Dahmer has been reduced, in most tellings, to a location — the grandmother’s house, the grandmother’s basement. She was a person, and the sources are unusually clear about what sort.

She was a lifelong Presbyterian who attended church every Sunday. Both Lionel’s memoir and Brian Masters’ account describe the same woman: kind, patient, unfailingly decent, working from the old-fashioned assumption that people will behave well if they are treated well. She was, by 1981, elderly and lonely, and the arrangement suited her as much as it suited anyone. Jeffrey would have room and board; in return he would help around the house and keep her company.

Asked directly whether he loved her, Jeffrey could not manage the word. He said instead that she had lived in that house a long time. It is a strange, sidestepping answer, and Masters reads it as an inability to make emotional contact rather than an absence of feeling — Jeffrey knew perfectly well that she was lovable and said so freely, but would not apply the verb to himself. Describing her, he had no such difficulty. He called her, in his own words, what you could call a perfect grandmother, and listed the qualities: kind, church-going, easy, supportive.

Masters makes an observation that is worth sitting with. Catherine Dahmer could have been a genuinely formative influence on her grandson, had he come to her earlier. By the time he arrived he was twenty-one, and it was too late. He could recognise her goodness. He could not absorb it.

What the house provided

He was sent there in the winter of 1981 because his father and stepmother had run out of options. He had been discharged from the army for drinking, sent to Ohio, arrested at a hotel within a fortnight for public drunkenness, and could not be trusted alone in the house or with the car. West Allis was a temporary measure. Lionel put him on a bus expecting him back within weeks.

Three months later, when Lionel and Shari drove up to visit, Jeffrey had decided he was staying. His father found him happier than he had been at any point since the army — mothered, fed, laundered for, with his days given a shape.

And that shape held for a while. He worked in the garden and mowed the lawn. He helped with the shopping and the cleaning. He went to church with his grandmother. He found work as a phlebotomist at the Milwaukee Blood Plasma Center, drawing blood — a skill he had learned as an army medic. He attended Alcoholics Anonymous. A young woman in the congregation took an interest in him, and his father encouraged him to call her. He never did.

After the plasma centre let him go — ten months, poor performance — there was a stretch of unemployment that ought to have been dangerous and was not. Masters describes something close to a genuine remission during 1982 and 1983: Jeffrey read the Bible alone as well as with his grandmother, gave money to street people, sent donations to missionaries. He was consciously trying to smother something in himself, and for a period it appeared to work. The memory of Steven Hicks receded. He imposed rules on his own body and kept them.

This is the part of West Allis that resists a simple reading. The conditions were exactly those that had ruined him before — no job, no structure, time on his hands — and this time they did not. What made the difference was a household: someone expecting him at meals, someone noticing when he came in, somewhere to be on a Sunday morning.

In January 1985 he was hired as a mixer at the Ambrosia Chocolate Factory, working the third shift, eleven at night until seven in the morning, six nights a week. He began paying his grandmother three hundred dollars a month in rent. His early performance reviews there were not merely adequate but warm — resourceful, congenial, neat, an asset to his department.

By every external signal available to his family, this was a young man slowly assembling a life.

What the record shows underneath

The external signals were wrong, and the documentation of how wrong is unusually complete.

On 7 August 1982, at the Wisconsin State Fair, he was arrested for exposing himself in a crowded area near the Coliseum. He was convicted twelve days later and fined. Two details are worth noting. The first is that the arresting officer’s account describes exposure rather than the urination Dahmer claimed. The second is that when asked for his address, he gave Bath, Ohio — his father’s house — rather than West Allis. Whatever else was disintegrating in him, he did not want his grandmother’s name on the charge sheet.

On 8 September 1986, two twelve-year-old boys reported a man masturbating by the Kinnickinnic River Parkway. Their description was accurate enough that a patrol officer stopped Dahmer nearby within the hour, and both boys identified him. He was charged with lewd and lascivious behaviour and indecent exposure, and received probation and court-ordered counselling.

Between and around these two arrests, a third thread runs. In 1985, sitting in the West Allis Public Library, a stranger dropped a note in his lap propositioning him. He did not act on it. But the sources — and Dahmer himself, repeatedly — identify that moment as the hinge. His defence counsel would later call it the critical moment of his life. What had been contained by Bible study and self-discipline began, from that point, to erode.

The court-ordered therapy after the 1986 arrest produced its own record. He kept every appointment and turned his chair away from the therapist, sitting in silence for the full fifty minutes. The one session where he spoke at any length was about the Christmas presents he had bought for his grandmother. When the therapist tried to open up the relationship, he stopped talking.

What they saw, and what they did with it

This is the most valuable material West Allis offers, because it is a record of ordinary people responding reasonably to warning signs and getting nowhere.

Catherine found a full-size male mannequin in his bedroom closet, fully dressed. She could not imagine where it had come from or why. Challenged, Jeffrey said calmly that he had stolen it from a shop on a dare, that he had liked the clothes, and that he had already thrown it away. The matter, as far as he was concerned, was closed.

She found a gun under his bed. Jeffrey described it as a target pistol; when his father came to look, it was a .357 Magnum with a two-and-a-half-inch barrel. A family conference followed. Lionel took the gun away, had a friend sell it, and gave his son the proceeds.

She noticed he was gone for whole weekends. She was stopped on her own staircase one morning and told to go back up because he was not dressed, and later saw him steering a badly drunk man toward the bus stop. She came home from Sunday service more than once to a smell in the garage she could not place and did not believe was the cat box.

Each time, Jeffrey had an answer ready. The odours were chemical cleaners. They were chicken parts he was experimenting on with bleach and acid. When Lionel flew in to investigate personally and pressed him, the answer became a dead raccoon collected from a gutter. Lionel searched the garage and the basement and found nothing but stored lamps, a projector, Christmas decorations, firewood, a washer and dryer.

The pattern in these exchanges is worth naming precisely, because it is not stupidity. Catherine identified every genuine warning sign in the house. She reported them all. Crucially, she often reported them to Shari rather than to Lionel, saying she did not want to burden him — which meant the person best placed to act received the information at one remove, filtered and softened, and always after the fact.

And Lionel accepted each explanation in turn. His memoir is unsparing about this. He describes allowing himself to believe there was a line in his son that would not be crossed, a boundary between self-destruction and harm to others. He describes conversations conducted entirely in half-sentences, both of them maintaining a wall neither would name. As he puts it: this dreadful silence we called peace.

It is the most honest sentence anyone connected to this case has written.

The murders

None of the above should be read as a portrait of domestic life with the deaths as an appendix. They happened in that house, while all of it was going on.

In September 1987, Dahmer killed Steven Tuomi at the Ambassador Hotel in Milwaukee, bought a large wheeled suitcase from a Woolworth’s at the Grand Avenue Mall, and brought the body back to West Allis by taxi while his grandmother slept. The driver helped him load the case.

On 17 January 1988, he met James Doxtator at a bus stop and brought him back to the house. Jamie had told his mother that if he ever left home he would keep in touch. He was reported missing the following day.

On 27 March 1988, he killed Richard Guerrero, aged twenty-three, in the same house. Guerrero’s father reported him missing two days later and placed notices with his son’s photograph in the local press. Nothing came of them.

On 25 March 1989 — by which time Dahmer had moved out and moved briefly back, awaiting sentencing — he met Anthony Sears outside a bar. A friend of Sears’, uneasy, drove them both to West Allis and extracted a promise that Sears would call within a couple of hours so he could collect him. Sears was killed at the house that night. His friend went back the next morning to look for him and did not know which door to knock on.

Three men died in Catherine Dahmer’s home. A fourth was carried into it in a suitcase.

Being eased out

The end came through an accumulation rather than a discovery.

In 1988 a man named Ronald Flowers was brought to the house, drugged, and survived. That incident, along with the late-night arrivals, the drinking, and the general uneasiness about his guests, prompted a family conference — Lionel, Catherine, and Lionel’s sister Eunice. Dahmer’s own description of the outcome was that he was sort of eased out. Two decisions came from that meeting: he would find his own place, and he would seek help for his drinking. Lionel took him to Family Services on West Highland Avenue that April. The alcohol programme lasted four sessions.

There was one further factor. Catherine had found objects in his room — statues of griffins, a copy of The Satanic Bible, black lights — arranged in something like an altar. For a lifelong Presbyterian this was not eccentricity but horror. Jeffrey’s account was that he was merely curious about the unknown and that none of it meant anything.

He moved out on 26 September 1988. The structure that had held him — imperfectly, incompletely, but genuinely — was gone.

On the first day in his new apartment he approached a thirteen-year-old boy, Somsack Sinthasomphone, offered him money to pose for photographs, drugged him, and assaulted him. The boy escaped, was hospitalised, and led police back to the apartment. Dahmer was arrested at the chocolate factory.

The first day.

What West Allis actually tells us

The temptation with this period is to reach for one of two easy conclusions: that the love of a good woman nearly saved him, or that it made no difference at all. Neither survives contact with the record.

The structure demonstrably worked. Employment, a household, a routine, someone waiting up — these produced the longest stretch of relative stability in his adult life, and the sources show him actively using it, reaching for religion and discipline as tools against something he knew was in him. That effort was real. It was not sufficient.

And the failure was not for want of noticing. Catherine Dahmer saw the mannequin, the gun, the absences, the drunk stranger, the smell in the garage. She reported all of it. The system around her — a father seven hours away who wanted to believe his son, a family conference that removed one pistol, four sessions of alcohol counselling, a therapist facing the back of a chair — absorbed every one of those signals and converted them into nothing.

She spent her last years in a nursing home with dementia, searching at night for a staircase that was not there. Jeffrey wanted to write to her from prison, to tell her he loved her and that he was sorry for what he had brought on her. He was not allowed a pen, in case he used it on himself.


Sources: Lionel Dahmer, A Father’s Story (1994); Brian Masters, The Shrine of Jeffrey Dahmer (1993); Milwaukee County court records; West Allis Police Department arrest reports as cited in Masters.

Take Care, Take Care, Take Care: Lionel Dahmer and the Son He Could Not Save

Near the end of A Father’s Story, his own memoir, Lionel Dahmer arrives at the only piece of advice he says he can offer any father who comes after him. Not a lesson, not a warning sign to watch for — just three words, repeated: “Take care, take care, take care.” It is the closest thing to a conclusion a man can reach after spending a book, and a life, unable to answer the question underneath it: what did I miss, and could I have stopped this?

This is not the story of Jeffrey’s crimes. It’s the story of the man who raised him, watched him drift further from reach with every passing year, and has spent every year since trying to understand where he failed to hold on.

A boy who looked like himself

Lionel recognized his son in a mirror before he ever recognized danger in him. Jeff was a shy, awkward child, and Lionel had been exactly that kind of child too — inordinately shy, easily disoriented by change, socially unable to read the room. When Jeff’s first-grade teacher described a boy who paced the schoolyard alone and did “nothing” at recess, Lionel absorbed it through the lens of his own childhood: a phase, an adjustment, something a person could learn to live with, the way he had.

That identification cuts through the whole first half of the book. “I saw no reason why my son could not learn to live with them, too,” he writes of Jeff’s early isolation — and admits, decades later, that he was wrong. “While I had suffered from shyness, Jeff had begun to suffer from a near total isolation. While I had known the power of an odd fascination, Jeff had begun to move into the grip of a profound perversity.” The two conditions looked identical from the outside. Lionel now believes they were never the same thing at all.

One memory recurs for him more than any other. Coming home from work, he found Jeff alone at the edge of their lawn after a rainstorm, sobbing, arms flailing, mired in mud, their dog barking wildly around him — a small boy in a full-scale panic at the feeling of being pulled down into the earth. Lionel still asks himself, all these years later, whether that was a moment he should have read differently. He never resolves the question. He simply keeps returning to it.

The house he left him in

By 1978, Jeff’s parents’ marriage had collapsed entirely. Custody went to Joyce for David, the younger son; Jeff, nearly eighteen, was old enough to be left out of the arrangement altogether — which meant, for a stretch of that year, he was effectively left alone. Lionel had moved into a motel. Joyce and David eventually left too. Jeff stayed in the family house by himself.

When Lionel’s new partner, Shari, first walked through that house, she found it in poor shape — little food, a broken refrigerator — and, on the coffee table in the family room, a pentagram drawn in chalk. Lionel didn’t understand what he was looking at until later: Jeff had been performing séances alone in the house, trying to contact the dead.

Lionel moved back in immediately once he learned Jeff was alone. But the sequence itself — a boy left in an empty house for an unspecified stretch of a collapsing marriage, filling the silence with attempts to summon spirits — sits in the record as one of the more quietly disturbing details of his adolescence, and Lionel’s own book puts it there without much comment, simply narrated as one more thing that happened.

Not long after, Lionel and Shari drove Jeff to Ohio State University, a college he’d shown no enthusiasm for and was attending, by his father’s own account, “more or less on my orders.” What Jeff packed for the trip has stayed with Lionel: no books, no clothes anyone would expect of a freshman, but a snakeskin from Boy Scout camp and two photographs of his dog.

What a father chooses not to see

The most difficult passage in A Father’s Story isn’t about a single incident. It’s Lionel’s accounting of everything he didn’t see, laid out in a single unbroken run of admissions: he hadn’t recognized Jeff’s alcoholism until Shari found him drunk in his room. He hadn’t thought his son a thief until his own mother discovered a stolen mannequin in Jeff’s closet. He hadn’t understood Jeff was gay until information surfaced after an arrest for molesting a child — despite years of no dates, of taking a “friend” to prom, of never once expressing interest in a woman. And he had used the word “crazy” about his own son more than once, he admits, always in frustration, never once considering that he might mean it literally.

“It was a level of obliviousness, or perhaps denial, that was scarcely imaginable, and yet it was real,” he writes. “It was as if I had locked my son in a soundproof booth, then drawn the curtains so that I could neither hear nor see what he had become.”

Research chemist/author Lionel Dahmer, father of confessed serial killer Jeffrey Dahmer, standing outside of Columbia Correctional Institute where his son is imprisoned. (Photo by Steve Kagan/Getty Images)

That is about as unflinching as a father’s self-assessment gets, and this memorial has no interest in softening it on his behalf. But it’s worth naming plainly what Lionel does not do in this passage: he doesn’t reach for excuses, and he doesn’t stop at diagnosing his own blindness — he goes further, into the much harder territory of asking whether he was the source of what he failed to see.

The question he cannot put down

After the arrest, in the same Inside Edition interview where Shari wept for the victims’ families, Lionel offered a theory: that Jeff’s “madness” might trace back to medication Joyce had taken during her pregnancy. He later admits the theory went essentially unexamined — a father grasping for any explanation that wasn’t simply this came from somewhere in me.

But the genetic question doesn’t stay external for long. In his own writing, Lionel turns it back on himself directly, cataloguing his own childhood fascinations — with hypnosis, with building explosive devices, with once wiring the living room couch to shock visiting cousins as a “joke” — and asks, in language he doesn’t try to make comfortable, whether “some of the compulsions that overwhelmed my son may have had their origins in me.” He wonders whether his own “need for control,” his own violent impulses arising from childhood powerlessness, might have “come to Jeff through me.” His own psychologist, he notes, eventually had to caution him against overstating any single cause — a reminder Lionel includes in his own book, seemingly aware that his rumination was in danger of becoming its own kind of compulsion.

He never reaches a conclusion. He states this outright, more than once: he will never know how much of it was genetic, how much environmental, how much simple bad luck. What he does arrive at is a kind of standing verdict on fatherhood itself — that it is, in his words, “a grave enigma,” and that the only honest thing he can pass on to any father after him is the warning to pay closer attention than he did.

What was left, once there was nothing left to do

Once Jeff was sentenced and sent to Columbia Correctional Institution, eleven hours from home, Lionel writes that his role as a father had “almost disappeared” — reduced to visits, letters, and small, non-essential provisions. What grew in that reduced space, unexpectedly, was conversation. Father and son spent visits discussing intelligent design, evolution, the origins of life — Jeff, Lionel writes, had read thirteen books on the subject and engaged with real intellectual hunger. “It felt stimulating,” Lionel writes, “and I miss Jeff’s inquiring mind.” Alongside Roy Ratcliff’s ministry and Jeff’s baptism, this period represented something Lionel describes, without irony, as his son’s humanity “restoring itself.”

That restoration makes what follows harder, not easier. In July 1994, months before the attack that killed him, Jeff was attacked with a razor by another inmate. A prison chaplain reassured Lionel afterward that Jeff would be secure. Lionel later learned that Jeff had been left unsupervised for twenty to forty minutes with a different inmate — one with a documented history of attacking others and threatening to kill white people — despite an internal report flagging a specific threat against Jeff that CCI staff concluded was “not substantive.” When the fatal attack came that November, Lionel didn’t describe it as senseless or unforeseeable. He described feeling “lulled” and “betrayed” — and guilty, for not having pushed harder on prison security after the first warning sign.

Take care, take care, take care

Lionel Dahmer’s memoir does not end in resolution, and this piece won’t manufacture one on his behalf. He remains, in his own words, “a man in constant rumination” — uncertain whether nature or negligence or sheer chance produced what his son became, certain only that he will carry the not-knowing for the rest of his life. The mud on the lawn, the pentagram on the coffee table, the snakeskin in the college bag, the razor attack nobody took seriously enough — none of it adds up to an answer. It adds up to a father who kept looking anyway, long after looking stopped being able to change anything, and who left behind three words for anyone who might be standing where he once stood, not watching closely enough.


Sources cited

  • Dahmer, Lionel. A Father’s Story.
  • Masters, Brian. The Shrine of Jeffrey Dahmer.
  • Schwartz, Anne E. Monster: The True Story of the Jeffrey Dahmer Murders.
  • Kennedy, Patrick, and Robyn Maharaj. Grilling Dahmer: The Interrogation of the Milwaukee Cannibal.

The Topaz Ring

In the summer of 1987, Jeffrey walked into Bailey, Banks & Biddle at Northridge Mall in Milwaukee and paid roughly $1,500 for a ring — a large blue topaz set in gold. Asked about it later, his explanation was almost disarmingly ordinary: he had “always had an interest in jewelry and especially rings,” and the size of the stone appealed to him.

A year later, in the summer of 1988, he pawned it. Not at a jeweler this time, but at a gold-and-silver exchange on Bluemound Road, where he bargained the clerk up to $189 for a ring he’d paid nearly eight times that for. His own stated reason was blunt: his drinking had left him short on cash.

That gap — $1,500 down to $189 — is not, on its own, remarkable. People pawn jewelry for a hundred reasons that have nothing to do with anything sinister. What makes this exchange worth examining is what came next.

The question that was actually being asked

The document containing this account is not a jewelry appraisal. It’s a police report, compiled after Jeffrey’s arrest, following a tip from the Brookfield Police Department that he had pawned a ring in their city. Investigators weren’t interested in the ring as a ring. They were asking a direct question: did this come from one of his victims?

His answer was immediate and flat — no, and he “again denied selling any of the jewelry which he obtained from any of his victims.” Then, without being pressed further on the point, he added something no one had asked for: that if there was any jewelry taken from victims, “he simply threw it out in the trash, along with body parts.”

That sentence is doing an enormous amount of work in very little space. It is, technically, a hypothetical — if there was jewelry, here’s what would have happened to it. But it’s delivered with the same flat tone as everything else in his account, sliding a detail about disposing of human remains into what started as a question about a pawn ticket.

Setting this against what trophy-taking actually looks like

Criminologists who study sexual homicide offenders have a specific term for what Jeffrey is being asked about here: trophy-taking — retaining an item connected to a victim, not for its resale value, but for what it does psychologically. The research is consistent on this point: items are kept “not for monetary reasons but to serve the offender psychologically,” allowing the offender to revisit and relive the experience privately. The most commonly documented trophies across offender studies are body parts, photographs of the crime scene, and — specifically — jewelry or clothing taken from the victim.

Jeffrey is a documented case of exactly this behavior, just not with jewelry. Skulls, Polaroid photographs, and other remains were recovered from his apartment — trophies in the fullest sense the research describes. Which makes his specific denial here worth sitting with rather than passing over. He is not claiming he kept nothing. He is drawing a very precise line: photographs, yes; skulls, yes; a victim’s ring, no — that would have gone in the trash.

Whether that line is true is not something this record can settle. It’s possible jewelry genuinely held no significance to him the way other remains did — trophy-taking research does note that offenders are selective, not indiscriminate collectors, and what becomes meaningful to one offender may hold no charge for another. It’s also possible this was simply the safer thing to say to an investigator, a way to admit to the pattern in general terms — “if there was jewelry” — while denying the one form of it that would have been easiest to trace back to a named victim through a pawn shop record, exactly as this one was traced.

A small object, honestly

There is no way to resolve that ambiguity from this document alone, and this piece isn’t going to pretend otherwise. What’s certain is narrower: a ring bought for $1,500 out of an ordinary, almost sweet fondness for jewelry, pawned a year later for a fraction of that as his drinking worsened, and finally surfacing again after his arrest as the subject of a question about whether it had ever belonged to someone he killed. An object that started as a small personal indulgence ended its documented life sitting inside an interrogation about trophies and trash.


Sources cited

  1. Police report excerpt, Brookfield Police Department tip regarding Jeffrey Dahmer pawn transaction, released records.
  2. Sage Reference, Encyclopedia of Murder and Violent Crime — “Trophy Taking.” https://sk.sagepub.com/ency/edvol/violentcrime/chpt/trophy-taking
  3. Walter, N. et al. (2024). “Trophy, souvenir, or simple theft? Taking items from the victim in sexual homicide.” Behavioral Sciences & the Law. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/bsl.2660
  4. “The collectors: Serial sexual offenders who preserve evidence of their crimes.” ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259158356_The_collectors_Serial_sexual_offenders_who_preserve_evidence_of_their_crimes

Jeffrey Dahmer and the Jokes He Left Behind

Humour is not a word anyone expects to find near this story. But it is there, threaded through the record in two very different forms — the jokes a horrified public told about him, and the small, dark moments of levity that actually happened around him, inside the jail cells and interrogation rooms where his story was still unfolding in real time. Both are worth looking at honestly. Neither is comfortable.

The jokes that swept the country

Within two weeks of Jeffrey’s arrest, jokes about him were already circulating nationally. On August 6, 1991, The New York Times ran an editorial addressing the phenomenon directly, arguing that the jokes existed because “there is a need for people to distance themselves from the horror.”

That explanation is a reasonable one, and it was echoed by people who had no choice but to sit with the horror professionally. Anne Schwartz, the reporter who broke the story and covered the trial from the front row, later wrote that many of her fellow journalists told jokes throughout the proceedings specifically “in order to keep their sanity.”

But distance may not be the whole story. Within months, a publisher named Hart Fisher had turned Jeffrey’s crimes into a comic book through his company, Boneyard Press, and described the appeal to television cameras without any apparent discomfort: “It’s something you can’t get anywhere else — if you like the truth, if you like something a little bit more fresh, a little bit more bloody, we’ve got the meat.” That is not the language of someone trying to create distance. It is the language of someone selling proximity.

The joke cycle sat inside a larger pattern that scholars have since traced through the entire “serial killer” media boom of the early 1990s — the same years that gave the culture Hannibal Lecter as a sanitised, almost lovable version of the same figure. Anthony Hopkins later recalled being approached by twelve-year-old children asking him to perform Lecter’s “fava bean” line for their entertainment. Somewhere between the Times editorial and the comic book and the children asking a fictional cannibal to do a bit, the line between “processing horror” and “consuming it as entertainment” gets difficult to locate.

Jeffrey was not insulated from any of this. Letters reached him in prison keeping him “up-to-date on the latest ‘Jeffrey Dahmer’ jokes,” according to his father’s own account, and reporting from inside the jail described him as “visibly perturbed” by the jokes that followed him even among fellow inmates. Whatever function the jokes served for the public telling them, for the man they were about, they were simply one more form of the notoriety he could not escape.

The humour that actually happened around him

Separate from the joke cycle is something stranger: a handful of genuinely dark, unplanned moments of humour that occurred in the actual rooms where his case was being handled — not jokes told about him from a distance, but small human moments that happened to be, in a bleak way, funny.

The most widely cited is also the earliest. Minutes after Tracy Edwards escaped Apartment 213 and police discovered what was inside, one of the responding officers radioed dispatch: “The intoxicated Asian naked male [laughter heard in background] was returned to sober boyfriend.” A second officer, informed he’d be heading back to the station, added: “My partner’s gonna get deloused at the station” — followed by more laughter on the recording. This is gallows humour in its purest form: officers who had no idea yet what they’d just walked into, laughing at a domestic-dispute call minutes before it became one of the most notorious crime scenes in American history.

Inside the jail itself, the record shows a mix of hostility and small, incongruous moments of connection. Guards placed Jeffrey under 24-hour suicide watch — a light kept permanently on, flashlights turned on his face as he tried to sleep, three guards watching him urinate “and laughing as well,” according to Brian Masters’ account. He once sharpened his toothbrush in protest of what he considered unfair treatment, a small act of defiance that cost him a night sleeping on the concrete floor in his underwear. And yet amid the hostility, Masters records one genuinely tender moment: a guard, stepping away from his post for fifteen minutes overnight, told him simply, “Now don’t do anything stupid, Jeff.” Masters calls it “a tiny moment of connection” — and it is hard to disagree.

Jeffrey’s own complaints about jail carry a dry, almost absurd quality of their own. Asked what the days were like, he described having “nothing to do but watch the ants crawl around on the floor,” and described the bed bugs at night as something you could feel “jumping on your eyelids and nose.” A former inmate told the Milwaukee Sentinel that the guard posted outside his cell “reads him the paper, and talks to him about what he did to people and things” — offered as evidence of favourable treatment, but reading, out of context, almost like a description of an unlikely daily routine between two people stuck in a small space together.

Even the investigators had their own strange footnote. Detective Patrick Kennedy, who spent hours across the interrogation table extracting Jeffrey’s confession, moonlighted off duty as McGruff the Crime Dog, touring Milwaukee schools in a furry costume to teach children about the dangers of drugs. The man who sat with Jeffrey through some of the most disturbing testimony in American criminal history spent his weekends in a dog suit warning eight-year-olds about strangers.

Why this belongs in the record

None of this softens what happened. The jokes, the comic books, the gallows humour on a police radio — none of it changes the seventeen lives that were taken, and this memorial has never tried to weigh one against the other. But humour is also one of the most honest windows into how a society actually processes something it cannot fully absorb, and how the people closest to a case — reporters, guards, detectives — survive proximity to it day after day. The jokes told about Jeffrey say more about the country’s appetite for monsters than they do about the man himself. The small, dark moments that happened around him say something quieter: that even inside the most controlled, hostile environment imaginable, ordinary human behaviour — boredom, dry humour, a guard’s offhand kindness — kept finding its way through.


Sources cited

  1. Schwartz, Anne E. Monster: The True Story of the Jeffrey Dahmer Murders.
  2. Masters, Brian. The Shrine of Jeffrey Dahmer.
  3. Dahmer, Lionel. A Father’s Story.
  4. Kennedy, Patrick, and Robyn Maharaj. Grilling Dahmer: The Interrogation of the Milwaukee Cannibal.
  5. The New York Times, editorial on serial killer jokes, August 6, 1991.
  6. Academic discussion of the joke cycle, comic book publication, and Hannibal Lecter comparison drawn from a scholarly text on Dahmer and the construction of the serial killer figure in media.

August 24, 1993: A Crisis Report

On 24 August 1993, a report was filed at the Columbia Correctional Institution describing what staff called “unusual and bizarre behaviours.” Jeffrey had been discovered in his cell with a plastic bag wrapped around his head. Staff were able to get him to hand it over. He told a social worker he intended to make a noose out of his bedsheet. Later, while being escorted to the clinic for observation, he deliberately banged his head against a door and a window; when guards moved to restrain him, he warned them, “Watch out, I’ll bite.”

He was placed in restraints.

Fourteen months later, on 28 November 1994, he was dead.

It would be easy to read the intervening year as a straight line — crisis to conclusion — but that is not what the record supports, and it is not the aim of this piece. What the record does support is a single, specific, dated moment of documented psychological crisis, described in exactly those terms by the institution itself, at a point when nobody involved could have known what would happen fourteen months later. It deserves to be examined on its own terms.

What the behaviours actually indicate

Read individually, each element of that August report corresponds to a recognised category in the clinical literature on prison suicide risk, not simply a list of “acting out.”

A plastic bag over the head is a concrete, means-based gesture — not a symbolic complaint but an act with a specific method already in motion. The statement to the social worker about a bedsheet noose is a direct verbal communication of both method and intent, the kind of disclosure that risk-assessment frameworks treat as one of the clearest available warning signs precisely because it is not ambiguous. The head-banging that followed, once he was already under observation, reads as an escalation under acute distress rather than a separate incident — three connected behaviours across a single day, not three isolated ones.

Research into near-lethal and severe self-harm among prisoners is explicit that behaviours of this kind function as genuine precursors to more serious attempts, not as manipulation to be discounted. A related finding is worth sitting with directly: in jail populations, the majority of people who go on to die by suicide were not on formal suicide watch at the time of their death. Threats, gestures, and disclosed intent — exactly the pattern documented here — are consistently under-weighted by the systems meant to catch them.

Why a person reaches this point

The literature on why incarcerated people arrive at this kind of crisis does not point primarily to individual pathology. From the inmate’s own perspective, the dominant factors identified across studies are fear of the unknown, distrust of an authoritarian environment, a felt loss of control over one’s own future, isolation from family and outside relationships, shame, and the broadly dehumanising conditions of confinement itself. Separately, research consistently links poor emotional regulation, mental health strain, and a lack of meaningful social support to inmate suicidality — and specifically ties a lack of purposeful work activity to both suicidal ideation and suicide attempts.

That last point lands with particular weight here. The same records that document this crisis also show Jeffrey’s failing work evaluations in the same period, and his own words to a corrections officer: “I don’t care if you give me all zeros, I have a lot of time to do it.” Read in isolation, that line sounds like indifference. Read against the research, and against what happened weeks later, it reads more like the flattened affect of someone already in trouble.

The isolation question

The full incident report does not survive in the released excerpt to confirm his exact housing status that day, but the sequence itself is suggestive: a bag over the head, a stated intention to fashion a noose from a bedsheet, then head-banging severe enough to require restraint — none of this plausibly happens over an extended period with a cellmate present and unremarked upon. The likelier reading is that he was alone at the time, whether by assignment, protective custody, or circumstance. We treat this as a reasoned inference rather than a documented fact, and welcome correction if the full housing record says otherwise.

If that inference holds, there is a substantial body of research worth engaging with. People in solitary confinement make up a small fraction of the total prison population but account for a dramatically disproportionate share of prison suicides. Even protective custody — isolation intended to keep someone safe — carries the same psychological costs as punitive isolation, because the mechanism of harm is the isolation itself, not the reason for it. Some of the clearest data comes from outcomes after release: people who had spent time in restrictive housing were substantially more likely to die by suicide in the year after leaving prison than those who had not, with the risk compounding for each additional stay in isolation.

The institutional response and its limits

The response to the August incident was restraint and observation. This was, by any account, a genuine safety measure in the moment. But it is worth naming plainly what it was not: it was containment, not treatment. Nothing in the record suggests a sustained clinical intervention followed — no indication of ongoing psychiatric support, no apparent reassessment of his housing or work assignment in light of what had just happened. This matches a broader, well-documented pattern in correctional mental health: the system is generally built to respond to the moment of crisis, and far less equipped to address what produced it.

Where this sits against “The Mind That Wouldn’t Stay”

This memorial has already argued, in the “Trance States” piece, that Jeffrey’s dissociative episodes were clinically significant rather than incidental. That argument was built largely from pattern — testimony, later evaluation, retrospective analysis. August 1993 offers something different: a single, dated, contemporaneously documented crisis, described as serious by the institution at the time it happened, not reconstructed afterward. It does not replace the broader argument. It anchors it.

A crisis, not a footnote

None of this reframes what Jeffrey did, or asks the reader to weigh his suffering against the suffering he caused. Those are separate facts, and this memorial has never tried to make one cancel out the other. What this record shows is narrower and, we think, still worth stating clearly: fourteen months before his death, in an institution that documented it themselves, Jeffrey Dahmer was in genuine psychological crisis — and the response he received was restraint, not care. That is true, it is documented, and it belongs in the fuller account of who he was.

By April 1992 — sixteen months before this crisis — Jeffrey was on an antidepressant, two 20mg capsules of Prozac each morning, and was being seen three times a week by a clinical psychologist who did not consider him imminently suicidal at that time. Whether that level of care was still in place by August 1993 isn’t something this report confirms — it simply isn’t mentioned. But the contrast stands on its own: a year and a half earlier, someone was checking on him several times a week. In August 1993, what survives is a crisis and a set of restraints, nothing else. If his care had quietly lapsed somewhere in that gap, this is where it becomes visible.


Primary source: Columbia Correctional Institution incident report, 24 August 1993, released under open records request.

  1. Cain, C. et al. — Jails in Crisis: Study Identifies Those at Risk of Suicide Behind Bars, Florida Atlantic University. https://www.fau.edu/newsdesk/articles/suicide-jails-study.php
  2. U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Corrections — jail suicide risk factors and inmate-perspective drivers (fear, distrust, isolation, shame, dehumanisation). https://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/doj/012475.pdf
  3. Examining Risk and Protective Factors for Suicidal Behaviors: A Cross-Sectional Study Among Portuguese Male Inmates, PMC. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11817471/
  4. Prevention of Suicidal Behavior in Prisons: An Overview of Initiatives Based on a Systematic Review of Research on Near-Lethal Suicide Attempts, PMC. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5120691/
  5. Vera Institute of Justice — Study Links Solitary Confinement to Increased Risk of Death After Release (JAMA/North Carolina cohort study). https://www.vera.org/news/study-links-solitary-confinement-to-increased-risk-of-death-after-release
  6. Prison Policy Initiative — The research is clear: Solitary confinement causes long-lasting harm (6–8% of prison population, ~50% of prison suicides). https://www.prisonpolicy.org/blog/2020/12/08/solitary_symposium/